-how to understand hereditary politicians

关于世袭政治家,光看选举环节是不足的。我一再是这样认为的。

节选自japan decides 2012

Candidate recruitment  (Daniel & Smith, 2013)

P117

The open recruitment process in the LDP did not prevent the continued practice of legacy politics in candidate selection, which has been a serial problem for the party since the 1980s [市川, 1990] (Ishibashi & Reed, 1992) (Taniguchi, 2008) [稲井田, 2009] [上杉, 2009] [Smith, 2012].

Between 30 and 40 percent of all LDP candidates in recent elections have been “legacy” (nisei) candidates, meaning that they are related by blood or marriage to a previous Diet member.

About 60 percent of these legacy candidates can be considered “hereditary” (seshuu) candidates, since they directly succeeded their relative into candidacy in the same district.

In both 2009 and 2012, the DPJ includes a prohibition on new hereditary candidates in its party manifesto in order to exploit this perceived weakness in the LDP.

In 2009, the LDP made similar overtures but faced internal resistance from its members (many of whom had sons serving as their personal secretaries). In the end, it gave the official nomination to only two new hereditary candidates, including Shinjirou Koizumi, but denied it to others. In 2012, the party tried to shield itself from the criticism of nepotism with its requirement that all new candidates, including hereditary candidates, be required to compete in an open recruitment contest. However, this did not prove to be a difficult hurdle to overcome for several aspiring hereditary candidates.

117-118

这里说的很清楚,2009年,党内公开推荐的世袭就2个,

而且这个不能阻止其他aspiring 进入国会。那么问题在哪里?

反过来,我们看从2006年第一次安倍内阁开始到2012年,安倍再次组阁,世袭在内阁职位的占有率从5个,上升到10个(内阁成员19个)

如果撇开个人执政的喜好不提,如何理解2012年自民党恢复政权后,安倍内阁的世袭率的反扑?尤其是在经历2009年的反-世袭的一系列宣传呢?

我们这么看,难道LDP执行部不清楚世袭的bad-images? 还是更清楚谁能够更好的推行政策?

所以我反对smith从candidate recruitment来解决世袭优势的问题。 就如同他自己也提到了, “However, this did not prove to be a difficult hurdle to overcome for several aspiring hereditary candidates.”

では、私の研究、世襲議員のキャリアパスから見る、はどうですか?説得力ががあるのか?

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